… This is what sets her apart from Sanders. Sanders is (was) the most important nobody in Congress--vocal, fringe-y, consistent, forthright, and direct. His politics are an open book. This gives him enormous mass appeal because this is a very rare quality in a presidential hopeful. Unfortunately, his enthusiasm will sharply divide the Democratic base. There are still a great many Democrats who are quite conservative, and many Republicans who are quite liberal. Usually it’s a historical or a family or a geographical thing. Sanders appeals to the Democrats who want fresh blood and a new perspective, but his views will be pretty unpopular among the huge numbers of conservative Democrats.
By conservative, you mean the Democrats from such states as Arkansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Tennessee, and West Virginia.
The problem is that those “conservative Democrats” are the ones who lost out over the last two midterm election cycles of 2010 and 2014.
Take Arkansas as an example. Back in 2008, when the Democratic presidential primaries were still brewing, now-Virginia governor Terry McAuliffe tried to argue on behalf of Hillary Clinton saying, in effect, that she (and not eventual nominee and 44th president Barack Obama) could carry states like those. Arkansas, up till native son and 42nd president Bill Clinton’s re-election in 1996, had carried for every Democratic Party president of the United States. West Virginia had done the same; with exception of the 1916 re-election of 28th president of the United States Woodrow Wilson.
We’re not in that period anymore.
Effective with the 2008 presidential elections, Arkansas had Democrats for governor, both its United States Senate seats, and all four of its U.S. House seats. In just six years, they all flipped Republican. West Virginia, which soundly rejected President Obama (very much so because he’s black), carried in 2012 for Mitt Romney in every single county including the No. 1 most-populous Kanawha County (Charleston). John McCain carried the state, when he lost nationwide by 7.26 percent, with a margin of 13.09 percentage points. Romney lost nationally by 3.86 percent but carried West Virginia by 26.69 percent. In 2008, West Virginia was 20.35 percent more Republican than the nation. In 2012, West Virginia was 25.21 percent more Republican than the nation. Arkansas was even worse. In 2008, John McCain carried it by 19.86 percentage points. (While the 2004-to-2008 popular-vote shift was nearly 10 points, in a Democratic pickup year, a 2004-to-2008 Arkansas went in opposite direction of the country.) In 2012, Mitt Romney carried the state by 23.69 percent. That meant that, over the two elections of 2008 and 2012, in which President Obama never reached 40 percent of the statewide vote as he won nationally with 52.92 and 51.01 percent, Arkansas was 27.12 and 27.55 percentage points more Republican relative the national vote. And in 2014, West Virginia delivered a Republican U.S. Senate pickup that looks to be a harbinger for more GOP pickups in the state’s future—including, for example, the gubernatorial race in 2016.
Kentucky and Tennessee already are firmly with the Republicans. But Arkansas and West Virginia delivered margins, for a 2012 Romney, that had them on the level of
Alabama. These are states which routinely backed winning Democrats during the 19th and 20th centuries. But, the map shifted. It not only shifted, it flipped.
The Democrats’ map is where the Republicans used to have theirs. Start with New Hampshire. When it turned out to be the only state George W. Bush failed to hold, from his first election, and with his re-election, he became the first from his party to not carry the Granite State. Between his two elections of 2000 and 2004, Bush also became the first Republican with two terms who never once carried the likes of California, Connecticut, Illinois, Michigan, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Washington, Wisconsin—and, especially noteworthy with Vermont, which carried Republican from the party’s first election of 1856 to 1988 (except denial to Barry Goldwater in 1964). The map’s realignments and counter-realignments are not a surprise. Bill Clinton became the first Democratic president with two terms who never once carried the likes of Alabama, Idaho, Kansas, Nebraska, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Virginia, and Wyoming. And Barack Obama became the first two-term Democratic president who never once carried—in addition to Arkansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Tennessee, and West Virginia—the likes of Arizona, Georgia, Missouri, and Montana.
Having taken a look at the histories of states—meaning, their voting records of backing presidential winners—it’s not the Republicans but the Democrats with the better map. Since the presidential election of 1884, one or both of California and Texas—now the nation’s two most-populous states—have carried in every presidential election. If a Republican wins—Texas definitely carries. If a Democrat wins—California definitely carries. Between California and Texas: the Lone Star State, which first voted in 1848, has voted for presidential winners at about 60 percent; the Golden State, which first voted in 1852, has voted for presidential winners approximately 85 percent.
The map for Democrats winning the presidency—and doing so without 40-state landslides (the trio of two-term presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama averaged 29 states between them)—start with the 242 electoral votes from California, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, and Wisconsin. Following them are Iowa and New Hampshire, with Democratic tilts, along with bellwethers Nevada and New Mexico—which, as I mentioned before, are trending Democratic. That’s already 263 electoral votes. The four most influential states are, in alphabetical order, Colorado, Florida, Ohio, and Virginia—and had Mitt Romney unseated Barack Obama, in 2012, he would have flipped them all to win a minimum of 275 electoral votes. Those states are worth 69 electoral votes. And now we have North Carolina trending away from the Republicans—it went from 13 (2000) to 10 (2004) to 7 (2008, Obama’s Democratic pickup of the state) to 6 (2012, Romney’s Republican flip of the sate) percentage points in Republican tilt that will make it the next bellwether state; a significant move that separates it from the combined 11 electoral votes of formerly reliable (when the party wins) states like Arkansas and West Virginia.
The times have changed. So has the map. (And, with a winning Democratic Party, Arizona and Georgia will be next.)
When it comes to general direction for the Democrats, I don’t see any benefit in sucking up to ConservaDems—or trying to run that party breed on the presidential/vice-presidential ticket. A national mood, favoring the Democrats, involves the states I have mentioned. If a grand victory is happening, the ConservaDem states—add Indiana (which flipped for Obama in 2008) and Missouri (ex-bellwether which started trending Republican in 1996) which have boasted similar margins to each other in both 2008 and 2012—are still winnable if that prevailing Democrat ends up with a high single-digit popular-vote margin (as Obama did in 2008).
So, in bringing this to Bernie Sanders, and the discomfort felt by some Democrats: It doesn’t have to do with
conservatism within the party ranks. It has to with the comfort and discomfort from the…
establishment. The Vermont U.S. senator is definitely not the type of candidate the establishment Democrats want nominated. You used the word
homogenized in other parts of your writing. Well, that’s a kind word to describe it. It has to do with in-crowd mentality of a political party. Who exerts more power within that political party.